A Return to the Past:  how the conservative justices legalized marijuana

Introduction:  political concerns, legal questions

A fair proportion of the American public openly questions our drug laws and the War on Drugs.[1]  Though a range of opinion exists, there is a growing consensus of public opposition to

penalties against simple marijuana possession (Stein 2002, 57-58).  In 2002, a number of states entertained laws to decriminalize or change marijuana laws (Stein 2002).  Further twenty-seven states and the District of Columbia currently have one or more laws that condone medical use of marijuana (DPA 2003).  Eight states have gone so far as to remove criminal penalties for patients who use, possess, and grow medical marijuana with their doctors’ approval (DPA 2003a; Stein 2002).  While the Hawaiian legislature adopted a medical marijuana law, popular referenda and ballot initiatives in Alaska, California, Colorado, Maine, Nevada, Oregon, and Washington established medical-marijuana regimes there (DPA 2003a).

Of these states, perhaps most well-known, and the center of a pitched legal battle, is California.  Since 1996 when her voters adopted Proposition 215, also know as the Compassionate [Marijuana] Use Act, California law provides that medical patients can receive prescriptions for, hence possess and use marijuana (Gardner 2003).  Despite state law, and public sentiment in California, DEA agents and federal prosecutors have run roughshod over the will of the people of California (Stein 2002, 58; Richman 2003).  Patients cannot get marijuana from growers, who have been licensed by local government in accord with California statutes.  Such dealers are raided repeatedly (NORML 2002; Richman 2003).  Doctors who prescribe pot face severe penalties and loss of their license (Gardner 2003).  When prosecuted, marijuana users, much less suppliers, cannot claim a defense of medical necessity.[2]  When indicted and prosecuted under federal law as profiteering drug dealers, medical marijuana suppliers, like Ed Rosenthal, though deputized by state and city officials, are not allowed to inform federal juries that they are growing pot for patients (Watercutter 2003).

How is it possible that what appears to be legal and authorized action, marijuana production, supply and use for medical purposes, is subject to criminal penalty?  The answer lies in the particulars and wonderment of American federalism.  Though individual users, patients, suppliers and doctors might believe they are shielded by California state law (DRC 2003a), federal courts have ruled that federal prohibitions on drug possession, manufacture, and distribution under the Controlled Substances Act of 1970[3] supercede state law grants.  But there is reason to see a silver lining in the storm clouds of injustice brought on by the Drug War.  By analyzing case holdings and legal opinions on federalism, drugs, privacy, and fundamental liberty, one can make a coherent argument – using the logic of the so-called conservative justices – in favor of medical marijuana specifically, and perhaps outright drug legalization.

For over thirty years courts have held that the CSA is a Constitutional exercise of federal power under the so-called interstate commerce clause (ICC), Art. I, § 8, cl. 3 of the U.S. Constitution.  But ironically, the very justices who have permitted sweeping police power and erosion of civil liberties through the War on Drugs, specifically avoided addressing the question of the CSA’s constitutionality when they last had the chance.  In United States v. Oakland Cannabis Buyers Cooperative,[4] the OCBC raised an objection that the CSA was illegal – as applied to medical marijuana providers given the California law.  The OCBC argued further that the CSA exceeded federal authority as provided in the ICC, and violated substantive due process and fundamental liberties of medical patients under the Fifth, Ninth, and Ten Amendments of the Constitution.[5]  Their claims notwithstanding, the Supreme Court flatly refused to address those claims.[6]  But the shot had been fired and heard.

In August 2003, in Santa Cruz et al v. Ashcroft, a federal district court judge in California held that plaintiffs including the City and County of Santa Cruz, along with the Wo/Men’s Alliance for Medical Marijuana (WAMM), could not get an injunction to halt federal raids against local pot clubs (Richman 2003).  Though denying their motion, an almost schizophrenic judge, Jeremy Fogel expressed sympathy for the pain and suffering of the patients but then added, while California voters have approved medical use of marijuana, “the legislative and executive branches of the Federal Government have a different view, and in our federal system that view is controlling unless the Federal Government is [shown to be] acting in excess of its constitutional powers” (Richman 2003).  Thus the dye is cast.  With the proper legal argument[7] – say lower federal courts, and our highest – the CSA can be ruled unconstitutional.


A brief history of America’s federal drug laws

Federal laws designed to restrict recreational or ethnic drug use did not emerge in until the early 20th century (Shafer Commission 1972; Jones 2003).[8]  Such laws were actually “tax” codes, regulating drugs in a circuitous route.  Until 1970, the two dominant federal drug/tax laws were the Harrison Act of 1914 and the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937.  These laws stood until 1970 when Congress, reacting to the Supreme Court decision in Leary v. United States (1969) (infra), passed the CSA.

Given the present federal regime, where the CSA was written expressly and functions as an overt criminal prohibition on drugs (and even prohibits intent to possess imitation controlled substances), why did the first 55 years of American federal drug control employ tax language?  According to Whitebread (1995), legal scholars, legislators, and judges of early 20th century believed that, as articulated in the United States Constitution, Congress lacked the power to pass a national criminal law or regulate medical practices.[9]  Most lawmakers and importantly jurists of the late 19th and early 20th century recognized that state governments had sole authority of police power and hence exclusive right to regulate medicine as a matter of promoting public health, safety, and welfare (Whalin 1999).  Appreciating the limits of federal jurisdiction then, members of Congress understood they had the power to control, regulate, and tax all international and interstate commerce.  Hence as a matter of constitutional authority, federal prohibitions on drugs needed to take the form of a tax regulation, not a criminal one.[10]  In fact, the radical tax scheme of the Harrison Act followed the ratification of an equally ground breaking move by Congress when it adopted the Sixteenth Amendment that allowed for the imposition of a federal income tax.[11]

The Harrison Act sought to control those who dispensed and used three drugs – opium, morphine and cocaine.  Depending on the ultimate use of the substance, for either medical or non-medical purposes, the act created de facto criminal penalties against the improper import and disbursement of opium, coca, and their derivatives.[12]  I say de facto because the law was not a de jure criminal code – there were no prohibitions on possession, manufacture or sale per se.  Under the Harrison Act doctors, pharmacists, and other professionals were required to pay only one dollar per year for a government stamp that allowed them to import, buy, sell, and prescribe forms of opium, coca, and their derivatives (Belenko 2000).  Non-professionals, who could not obtain the right to pay the tax, faced a fine up to $2,000 for each unauthorized or de jure non-medical transfer of these drugs.[13]

In the wake of the adoption of the Harrison Act, federal agents sought to enforce a general police power – in keeping with the spirit if the law.  However the general principle that the Federal Government had limited authority to regulate drugs through some plenary fiat was borne out as early as 1916.  In United States v. Jin Fuey Moy[14] the Supreme Court held that the Federal Government could not criminalize mere possession of opium by any person through allegation that a possessor did not possess federally issued opium tax stamps.  The Supreme Court upheld a demurrer holding that: (1) without a showing that a possessor had come into possession through an act of international or interstate commerce, the Federal Government had no jurisdiction and could not try or convict someone for mere drug possession (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 20); and (2) the act only applied to persons who were required to register – doctors and pharmacists – not every person in the United States (Belenko 2000, 68-70).[15]

Though one prosecution under the Harrison Act was avoided, the Supreme Court was not willing to strike the law entirely.  Another criminal defendant challenged the Harrison Act arguing it was truly a police measure dressed up as a revenue act in United States v. Doremus, 249 US 86 (1919).  Though the Court acknowledged that the Congress could not exercise laws of general police power, which was wholly reserved the States, it upheld the Harrison Act holding that [any] legislation with “some reasonable relation to the exercise of [federal] taxing authority… cannot be invalidated because of its supposed motives” (Belenko 2000, 71-73).[16]  What was remarkable about Doremus is that Supreme Court was not willing to allow “police power by another name” in other cases.  The United States Supreme Court invalidated a Harrison-like “penalty” taxes as applied to goods made with child labor.  In Hammer v. Dagenhart, 247 US 251 (1918) and again in Bailey v. Drexel Furniture, 259 US 20 (1922) the Court held that Congress exceeded its Art. I, § 8, cl. 3 powers when it sought to regulate child labor by taxing its produce (Nowak and Rotunda 2000 § 4.6). 

Another significant ruling in drug law that might apply to present-day concerns for medical marijuana and federal interference with powers reserved to the States came in 1925.  In Linder v. United States, 268 US 5, the Supreme Court overturned a conviction of a doctor who treated a drug addict (Belenko 2000, 85-89).[17]  In throwing out a conviction of a doctor who rightly satisfied his tax obligations, the Court held that the Federal Government could not regulate state and local medical practices through its exercise of a delegated power (Belenko 2000, 87-89).  Such federal efforts, the Court held, were beyond the scope of the express and limited powers of the federal Congress as granted in Art. I § 8.  Furthermore, regulation of medicine within a state, i.e. intrastate activity, the Court argued, was expressly reserved to the States through the 10th Amendment (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 16).[18] 

            Despite these cases, federal regulation and control of opium and coca become well accepted (Lindesmith 1965, 12-13).  Generally doctors feared legal repercussions of treating addicts and they quit the business of prescribing drugs to addicts (Belenko 2000, 90-91; Gray 1998, 88).  Federal prosecutors and courts ignored the Linder ruling (Gray 1998, 86-89).  The probably relied on the precedent of United States v. Behrman, 258 US 280 (1922) which upheld a conviction of a doctor on the grounds that the physician, Behrman, prescribed too many doses of cocaine and morphine to an addict.  In short time, federal legislators moved to outlaw marijuana.  Pressure to draft and impose federal regulations on marijuana from the petroleum, wood-pulp/paper, and cotton industries notwithstanding (Jones 2003), a strong national PR campaign was necessary to demonize marijuana and its non-White users, and purportedly criminally savage users (Himmelstein 1983, 57-58; Gray 1998). 

Federal agents rightly understood that they were unable to control marijuana in any way, its use, possession, manufacture or sale, save overt interstate and international commercial shipments of the drug itself.  In fact, the anti-marijuana propaganda film “Reefer Madness” of the 1936 makes direct reference to the limits of federal authority.  In the movie, a distraught school principal goes to a local FBI agent and asks for help against the “deadly narcotic.”  The sympathetic agent complains that he knows of numerous incidents where marijuana led young men to kill and young ladies to commit improper sexual acts.  Nevertheless the agent complains that the Federal Government cannot intercede as there is no interstate traffic in the drug.  Facing a constitutional proscription on federal efforts to police marijuana and public “ignorance” of the “assassin of youth” (Anslinger 1937), the director of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, Harry Anslinger, traversed the nation lobbying state legislatures to adopt a uniform act against marijuana.[19]

Between 1914 and 1937, several states and cities passed laws against marijuana.[20]  El Paso, Texas, established the nation’s first marijuana law in 1914 as the drug was “common among Mexicans, Negroes, prostitutes, pimps, and a criminal class of Whites” (Smith 1917).[21] Other places across the nation used the law as a tool of ethnic discrimination (Gomila and

Lambow 1938; Whitebread 1995).  A Texas State Senator said, “All Mexicans are crazy, and this stuff (marijuana) is what makes them crazy” (Whitebread 1995).  In 1929, during floor debate on Montana’s marijuana bill, one representative claimed, “When some beet field peon takes a few [puffs] of this stuff he thinks he has just been elected president of Mexico so he starts out to execute all his political enemies.”[22]  That same year Anslinger said publicly that “Reefer makes Darkies think they are as good as White men” (Herer 2003).

The passage of federal laws against opium in 1914 and 1924 prepared the public to adopt an attitude which associated opium addicts with marijuana and in turn deviance (Taylor 1969, 32; Gray 1998).  Especially deviant at the time was jazz music, its African/Negro roots, and the improper and immoral passions it sparked in White women.  As Presidents Coolidge and Hoover, among others, sought to control the immoral passions inflamed by jazz, the Negroes who played it were also targeted for their vice of smoking marijuana (UKCIA 2003).

By 1936, newspaper and wood pulp magnate, William Randolph Hearst, was mounting a national campaign against marijuana (Himmelstein 1983, 57-58).  His newspapers ran headlines like “Marihuana [sic] Makes Fiends of Boys in 30 Days,” “Hasheesh [sic] Goads Users to Blood-Lust,” and “Killer Weed from Mexico” (ParaScope 1997).  Beyond fueling discriminatory attitudes toward Mexicans, Hearst ran articles about “marijuana-crazed Negroes” who rape White women and play “voodoo-satanic” jazz music.  According to Hearst papers, Blacks driven insane by marijuana dared to step on White men’s shadows, look White people directly in the eye for more than three seconds, and even laugh out loud at White people” (ParaScope 1997).  After such ideas circulated among the public, it was that much easier for federal officials to pursue a policy of marijuana criminalization (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974).  And as Democratic leaders of Congress accepted the language of the 1925 International Opium Conference agreement that declared marijuana had no medical use (Musto 1973; Taylor 1969), the federal body became committed to ban marijuana (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 58-59).

Using the tax model of the Harrison Act, in 1937 Congress drafted a bill to regulate marijuana.  The bill called for registered persons to pay a $1 tax per transfer for every ounce sold.  Non-registered persons were required to pay $100 per ounce for each transfer (Nixon Commission 1972, appendix part three).[23]  In congressional hearings that year, three people spoke about marijuana, its effects, medical uses, and federal efforts to control its traffic.  First to speak in favor of legal restrictions was FBNDD head Anslinger, the bill’s principal proponent (Whitebread 1995).  Relying on the unsubstantiated claims of New Orleans’ prosecutor Eugene Stanley, Anslinger testified that “Marijuana is an addictive drug which produces, in its users, insanity, criminality, and death” (Whitebread 1995).[24]  Four government researchers, including Walter Treadway, who found no link between marijuana and deviance, violence, sexual perversion, mental illness, or death, were never invited to testify (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 155).  AMA representative, William Woodward offered many critiques of the proposal including that fact that the federal government could only regulate interstate commerce.  Woodward insisted that the regulatory scheme was impractical for the “weed” grew in every state – naturally, hence there would be no interstate traffic of it (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974).[25]

Soon after the Marihuana Tax Act (MTA) was adopted, and the Federal Government asserted marijuana to be dangerous, the FBNDD was looking to make arrests.  In short time Anslinger’s agents had prosecuted more than 3,000 AMA doctors for “illegal prescriptions” of cannabis (ParaScope 1998).  By 1939, the AMA had halted its dissent on the marijuana issue.  Thereafter only three doctors were prosecuted for prescribing cannabis-derived drugs (ParaScope 1998).[26]

Leary and the creation of the CSA

 

Through the MTA and its amended versions like the Boggs Act, the Federal Government continued to prosecute marijuana possessors until 1969.  Convictions under the MTA were halted in 1969 when the Supreme Court struck the MTA as unconstitutional in overturning the conviction of Harvard professor Dr. Timothy Leary for marijuana possession and importation.[27]

Under the MTA, recreational users like Leary were denied the right to possess marijuana lawfully.  That is, as “unregistered persons” they were required to pre-pay the $100/oz. transfer tax to the IRS prior to obtaining the drug.  But as unregistered persons, said taxpayers would not receive drug stamps to authorize valid marijuana possession.  Furthermore once a non-registered person attempted to secure drug stamps, that were not available to them, the IRS would turn over information of the request and tax payment to criminal law enforcement authorities.[28] 

The Supreme Court found that the MTA tax (and its reporting) scheme violated Fifth Amendment protections of due process and against self-incrimination.[29]  That is, the “registration” system meant that anyone who paid the tax was admitting, according to the Executive branch, that they either possessed or intended to possess marijuana, e.g. committed or would commit an unlawful act.  Given the catch-22, the Court found that one could refuse to pay the tax through invocation of the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination.[30]

            As the Court denied federal authority to impose the farcical tax law, the MTA was moot.  The Congressional reaction to the decision was remarkable.  Instead of concerning itself with Constitutional prohibitions on federal police power, Congress drafted and passed a plain and simple criminal law, the 1970 Controlled Substances Act (CSA).  The law is brash in constitutional terms as it usurps State police power and it makes no reference to regulating interstate or international commerce, or any other provisions of Art. I § 8 of the Constitution, as is the standard practice.

Modern Jurisprudence – rediscovering (old) restrictions on federal power

Though Congress passed the CSA, the question remains, does Congress have authority to pass a criminal law on mere drug possession?  No federal act is legal if such act is (a) not in pursuance of a specified power; or (b) specifically prohibited in the text of the Constitution.[31]  Put simply, the Federal Government is one of enumerated, not inherent powers (Nowak and Rotunda 2000, § 3.1).  In addition, as a rule, the Federal Government cannot act for the general welfare of the populace – e.g. a general criminal law (Nowak and Rotunda § 3.1).  “Under our federal system, the States possess primary authority for defining and enforcing the criminal law.”  United States v. Lopez, 514 US 549, note 1 (1995) 

            In reference to drug regulation, the most relevant question centers on the enumerated power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce.  The meaning of the phrase “commerce between the states,” from Art. I § 8, cl. 3 of the Constitution, has been the object of evolution, revolution and revision for nearly 200 years.  The idea of what constitutes ICC expanded to the point whereby in the late 1930s the Supreme Court upheld federal regulations that controlled purely intrastate employment contracts.[32]  And by 1975, the Court held that Congress could regulate purely intrastate commerce.[33]  Nonetheless even early Federalists like John Marshall, writing in Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 US 1, 194 (1824), claimed that “There are some internal (intrastate) commercial activities that are beyond the reach of Congressional regulation.”[34]

            Marshall’s early announcement was curbed, if not disregarded in The Daniel Ball, 77 US 557 (1871).  From its ruling in The Daniel Ball, the Court justified expanding federal regulatory power under the theory that Congress could regulate channels and instrumentalities of interstate commerce.  The proposition still holds.  But a present Supreme Court majority has decided to narrow the scope of federal jurisdiction and focus more strictly on the commercial nature of an activity not simply the channels, instrumentalities and things that affect commerce.  United States v. Lopez, 514 US 549 (1995).

This new doctrine, announced in Lopez and later refined in Morrison (infra), is significant to the federal War on Drugs, because Lopez has reined in what had been judicial license that heretofore permitted Congress to regulate any activity that affected commerce.  See Stafford v. Wallace, 258 US 495 (1922).  When previous courts allowed Congress to regulate, not only commercial transactions, but the instrumentalities of commerce, and then anything that affected the economy, the federal bench practically made federal authority boundless – an idea which the framers expressly rejected (Barron and Dienes 2003, 70). 

One could understand such license as stemming from a liberal reading of the necessary and proper or “sweepings” clause, Art I, § 8, cl 18.  Though proponents of a strong central government favored such, as in McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 US 316 (1819), most opposed Marshall’s employ of the clause to announce such a doctrine.  Both anti-Federalists like Thomas Jefferson and Federalists like Alexander Hamilton completely opposed Marshall’s perverted reading of a passage that clearly limits and was specifically designed to limit the scope of Congressional authority.  In critiquing a statute that allowed the Federal Government to charter a mining company, then-Member of Congress, Thomas Jefferson, held that the rationale, as stemming from either Congressional authority to provide for the common defense or to regulate commerce, derived filiation similar to items in the children’s rhyme “This is the House that Jack Built” (Nowak and Rotunda § 3.1 note 12).    

Though court approval for ever-expanding federal power grew for decades from the 1930s onward, with the 1990s and the imprimatur of two sets of cases, a new doctrine is emerging.  One set of commerce cases started with Lopez (1995) and continuing in United States v. Morrison, 529 US 598 (2000).  The other set grew from decisions on state sovereignty, cases like Seminole Tribe (1996) and Printz (1997).  Holdings and opinions of these cases stand for the proposition that, in the context of medical or personal marijuana, when the activity is conducted either outside the milieu of commerce or its instrumentalities, or by state agents, Congress has no authority to exercise police power and impose general criminal restrictions.

Understanding the significance of Lopez and Morrison

            The drafters and signers of the U.S. Constitution expressly rejected the idea of vesting Congress with national police power (Barron and Dienes 2003, 70).  Significantly within the topic of drug law and regulations on possession (use), sale and distribution, the Constitution does not grant the Federal Government with the authority to regulate health, safety, welfare and morals (Barron and Dienes 2003, 70).  Congress has no power to construct general criminal laws.[35]  See Nigro v. United States, 276 US 332 (1928) (McReynolds, J. dissenting).

Given congressional understanding of their authority and grant, nearly every federal criminal law makes a reference or claim to interstate commerce and Art. I § 8.  Such occurred in the early 1990s when Congress passed a law that banned gun possession near schools.  Written as § 922(q) of title 18 of the U.S. Code, the law was to be an instrument aimed to stop drug dealers and gang members who would prey on youth and disrupt neighborhoods.  But in Lopez (1995) a closely divided the Supreme Court rejected the law insisting that, among other problems with the statute, Congress presented no evidence that mere gun possession per se had a substantial affect on interstate commerce (Barron and Dienes 2003, 79).  So it was that the Supreme Court set some guidelines as to the meaning of Art. I § 8, cl. 3 and began to limit Congressional authority to establish criminal penalties for purely intrastate activity.  United States v. Lopez, 514 US 549 (1995).

According to the Court, of note in Lopez was that Congress tried to regulate non-commercial activity, handgun possession, that had no prima facie effect on interstate trade or travel (Barron and Dienes 2003, 79).  Barron and Dienes add that the court saw the law as improper because the federal hand-gun law sought to regulate activities traditionally allocated to the states – like education, family law, and criminal law, aka health, safety, welfare and morals (80).  Writing for the majority in striking § 922(q), Rehnquist explained that to support the notion, as the Federal Government preferred, that all activity has a substantial effect on commerce, would allow federal regulation in any milieu of life, including those where the States are sovereign.  Cf. Lopez.  That is, Rehnquist implicated precisely the criticism of Jefferson 200 years earlier.

Nowak and Rotunda (2000) writing before the Morrison decision, argued that since Lopez, the Supreme Court has determined that federal regulations aimed at single-State activities (those that do not cross State lines) which also are not commercial in nature, will only be upheld as proper exercises of federal commerce power if there is a factual basis, e.g. congressional finding that the activity has a substantial effect on interstate commerce (Nowak and Rotunda § 4.1).  Five years later, through his dissent in United States v. Morrison, 529 US 598 (2000), Souter distilled the now preferred rule from Lopez.

“Art. I § 8, enumerates the powers of Congress, …implying the exclusion of powers not enumerated.  … Such exclusions [occur] when the activity regulated is not itself commercial or when the States have traditionally addressed it [through their] exercise of the general police power... [not previously] extended to Congress under the Constitution.  Cf. Lopez, 514 US at 566 (1995).

 

The Lopez ruling seemed limited, as the Court seemed to insinuate that it would defer to Congress if the legislature were to show a nexus between the non-commercial activity regulated and a substantial affect on interstate commerce.  The nexus argument seemed parallel to the rational basis test often employed when courts consider the constitutionality of laws generally.[36]  What is of note here is that the dissent in Lopez criticized the majority that overturned the federal hand-gun law, 18 USC § 922(q), for failing either to consider the rational basis for the law or to apply a rational basis test, justices Rehnquist, Kennedy, Scalia, and O’Connor, much less Souter, Steven, Ginsburg, and Breyer are usually quick to do.[37]  Instead of isolating Lopez as a unique case, however, with Morrison the majority would send a clearer sign about its preferences to limit and curb authority.  

In 1994 the Congress passed and Clinton signed the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) (Levy 1999).  The law provided civil remedies for women who suffered domestic abuse – namely the right to bring what heretofore would be state claims in federal court.  In the first challenge to the law, Brzonkala v. Virginia Polytechnic Institute et al., 169 F3d 820 (CA4 1999) (also known as Morrison), a federal appeals court struck down the civil remedy provision of VAWA.  The Court held that the provision, which allowed victims of gender-motivated violence to seek monetary damages for torts (a common law cause of action with remedies traditionally and readily available in state court) in federal court, was not authorized under either the commerce clause or any other provision of the Constitution (Levey 1999).  Levey (1999) described the case accurately as an “enumerated powers case” and the lower court decision was upheld by the Supreme Court.  Morrison, 529 US 598 (2000); see Barron and Dienes at 81-82.

            The Supreme Court felt comfortable in striking down VAWA because the act: (1) was not aimed at commercial activity; and (2) sought to infringe upon an area of law traditionally handled by the States, to wit: common law torts.  Specifically a State-law remedy already existed for women, like Brzonkala, who claimed to have suffered a sexual assault and or rape.[38]  The Court also felt uncomfortable with extending the jurisdiction of federal courts where the Constitution did not allow it expressly.  But perhaps most important for this new line in jurisprudence was the Court’s rejection of federal attempts to legislate where there was “a mountain evidence about the substantial economic effects of domestic abuse and its ties to interstate commerce” (cf. dissent of Souter in Morrison).[39]  The Court held that evidence of an activity’s effect on interstate commerce was not sufficient justification to overcome the lack of overt federal authority to enact the legislation – especially when the target of the regulation was not commercial in nature.

            Maybe the most telling line from Morrison rests in the concurrence of Justice Thomas.  In a short and succinct statement he wrote: 

The majority correctly applies our decision in Lopez (1995).  I write separately only to express my view that the very notion of a “substantial effects” test under the Commerce Clause is inconsistent with the original [framers’] understanding of [Congressional power].  By continuing to apply this... standard... the Court has encouraged the Federal Government to persist in [the] view that the Commerce Clause has virtually no limits.  Until this Court replaces its existing Commerce Clause jurisprudence... we will continue to see Congress [attempt improperly to appropriate] State police powers under the guise of regulating commerce.

 

Through his plea or declaration, we see that Thomas favors a strict interpretation of the Constitution, and a present majority believes that there is a bright line between federal commerce power and state police power.

            In fact, building on the Lopez-Morrison rationale, the Court struck another federal crime law drafted under the supposed auspices of Art. I § 8, cl. 3.  In Jones v. United States, 529 US 848 (2000), the Court struck a federal statute that permitted federal prosecution for the act of arson committed against any building funded, financed, or built in whole or part through instruments of interstate commerce (Barron and Dienes 2000, 81).  Given the Court’s desire to return to strict federalism and the framers’ intent – recall Marshall’s admission in Gibbons v. Odgen – their rationale for Jones was clear.  State statutes against arson already exist.  Prima facie, arson is an intrastate activity and non-commercial at that.  Furthermore the fact that such crime has any effect on commerce will not grant Congress license to exercise police power.

With this latest line of cases then, present federal law, 21 USC § 844(a) which makes mere marijuana possession a federal crime without any relation to commerce looks unconstitutional.  And with the current court’s positive view on an older line of jurisprudence, it may be also that § 841(a)(1) of the CSA reading “[it is] unlawful for any person to manufacture, distribute, or dispense, or possess with intent to manufacture, distribute, or dispense [a controlled substance]” is unconstitutional as an improper exercise of general police power.

Consider, in Whipple v. Martinson, 256 US 41 (1921), the Supreme Court explicitly recognized the authority, if not exclusive nature, of State police power over the regulation of drug and medical practices. 

“There can be no question of the authority of the State in the exercise of its police power to regulate the administration, sale, prescription and use of dangerous and habit-forming drugs...  The right to exercise this power is so manifest in the interest of the public health and welfare, that it is unnecessary to enter upon a discussion of it beyond saying that it is too firmly established to be successfully called in question.” Whipple, 256 US at 45.

 

Even when recognizing the Court’s allowance for federal control over interstate commerce, when read in Lopez-Morrison context, Whipple stands for the proposition that the Federal Government can take no role to interfere with or police intrastate medical practices.[40]

New pronouncements on States’ rights 

Though there is a clear and coherent, if not preferred, legal argument to overturn 21 USC § 844, this is probably not enough to employ the power of the courts to stop the federal Drug War.  There is still the problem of production or manufacture, i.e. “getting your stash.”  Under the instrumentalities or stream of commerce logic (Barron and Dienes 2003, 73) – still upheld by a slim majority, Justice Thomas’ admonitions notwithstanding – any manufacture of marijuana, opium, coca, or other controlled substances, carries with it the idea that there was some commerce like buying and selling potting soil, lamps, seeds, etc.[41]  Unless the Leary-type rationale holds, that the Federal Government has the burden to prove that one did not grow their own – made with local/wild seeds and plants, with natural sunlight, rain or well water and so on, the possessor can be charged with numerous felonies under the CSA including intent to manufacture and distribute.  The latter verbs used, by the courts, to imply commercial activity.  Hence it maybe that State officials must produce and supply marijuana and other drugs to their citizens.[42]

            Still it appears that State and City officials, or their designees, may be allowed to produce and supply medicinal, if not recreational, marijuana (and hence all other drugs) for two reasons.  First current federal law provides State officials with immunity from CSA offenses.[43]  Secondly, the Supreme Court has carved out various rules in re the limitations of the federal commerce power to regulate State and local governments (Nowak and Rotunda § 4.1).

            At present, chapter 21 USC § 885(d) of the federal code provides immunity for State, local and other officials who could otherwise be charged with CSA violations.  The pertinent part of § 885 holds,

“no civil or criminal liability shall be imposed by this subchapter upon any duly authorized officer of any State, territory, political subdivision thereof, the District of Columbia, or any possession of the United States, who shall be lawfully engaged in the enforcement of any law or municipal ordinance relating to controlled substances.”

 

Current rulings of lower level federal judges notwithstanding,[44] when acting in accord with their duties then, state designees should be able to distribute drugs and remain free from federal criminal indictments in ways that private citizens cannot.  Of course, federal judges could return to the rationale of Webb (infra at note 50) and allow prosecutions or Congress could repeal § 885(d) and its immunities.  The latter is most unlikely for it would cause an uproar given the current proclivity for state and local police to engage in lucrative sting operations (Gray 1998; Jones 2003).  But even if § 885(d) were erased, the immunity should remain.

States and their governments are sovereign.  States existed prior to and remain distinct political entities, independent from the Federal Government, save that part of their sovereignty that they have surrendered via ratification of the United States Constitution and its amendments (Barron and Dienes 2003, 97).[45]  The key notion here is that the Federal Government cannot abrogate or strip state sovereignty unless specifically noted in the Constitution.[46]

In the context of federal police actions, Congress cannot draft and no court may enforce federal attempts to compel state and local government officials to act.[47]  This principle was stated unequivocally in Printz v. United States, 521 US 898 (1997).  In striking down a federal law that commanded local sheriffs to conduct criminal background checks of would-be gun purchasers, the Supreme Court held that Congress could not force autonomous state agents to act under the auspices of the commerce clause (Nowak and Rotunda §§ 4.1, 4.10). 

Nowak and Rotunda see the rationale of Printz as reliant in part, on the 10th Amendment.  They also insist that State and local immunity is limited and does not apply to federal regulations over commercial activity (Nowak and Rotunda § 4.10).  In this sense, State officers have cannot be compelled to enforce the CSA.  But can they be held liable, criminally, for violating the CSA?  Or do state officers possess immunity from prosecution of a federal criminal statute that does not regulate commerce, as understood by the Lopez-Morrison rationale?

            In United States v. Gillock, 445 US 360 (1980) the Supreme Court allowed the prosecution of a Tennessee State legislator, accused of violating federal laws against obtaining money under color of official right (18 USC § 1951), using an interstate facility to distribute a bribe (18 USC § 1952) and racketeering (18 USC § 1962).  As the high court overturned lower court grants of privilege (immunity from prosecution) to the legislator, the majority held that “the judicially fashioned doctrine of official immunity does not reach so far as to immunize criminal conduct proscribed by an Act of Congress.”  Gillock at 373.  But to be sure, the criminal charges in Gillock tied both to economic crimes – bribery – and interstate activity.  That is, Gillock did not address crimes and legal principles that Lopez, Morrison and their progeny now claim to be outside federal regulation, those which are “not commercial or which the States have traditionally addressed [through an] exercise of the general police power.”  As well, though Gillock allowed a federal prosecution of a State official to go forward, Chief Justice Rehnquist dissented.

Lastly one more lesson from Gillock should explain why State agents, like those deputized medical marijuana providers in Santa Clara, California, should have immunity from federal prosecutions under the CSA.  The majority in Gillock announced that “where important federal interests are at stake, [such] as in the enforcement of federal criminal statutes, principles of comity must yield.  [Immunities to State agents] would impair the legitimate interest of the Federal Government in enforcing its criminal statutes with only speculative benefits to the State…  Gillock at 368-373.  Morrison negated a federal law for precisely those same rationale, applied in reverse. 

According to the Court there was no legitimate interest of the Federal Government at stake that was furthered through VAWA and the Congress could only claim, through its hearings, that the law would provide “speculative benefits” to persons suing in federal court.  Morrison.  And surely, the right of a person to sue in federal court over a claim of domestic abuse, provided no material or economic benefit to the federal government.  Recall the present Supreme Court majority recognizes that state government possess general police power and is properly endowed with authority to exercise laws in order to protect the health, safety, and welfare within their jurisdiction (Nowak and Rotunda § 3.1).  Accordingly there should be no fundamental compelling interest that would allow the Federal Government to overcome its Art. I and 10th Amendment limits to enforce the CSA generally or in the particular as applied to medical marijuana patients.[48]  And the rulings of Printz, Lopez and Morrison bolster the idea that the Court will not impose a burden on the States to demonstrate their tangible benefits.  Now, with the pronouncement in Morrison, it is the Federal Government that has the burden to show how its regulation of non-commercial activity is vital and compelling regardless of the national economic impact of said activity.


Individuals – receiving due process, with privacy and liberty to all

            We have seen how the CSA may be ruled unconstitutional as an improper attempt by the Federal Government to exercise general police power.  As well, State agents should have immunity from federal prosecution and be able to distribute controlled substances as a function of providing for the health, safety, and welfare of the citizenry.  Other legal justifications to permit individual drug use, despite federal statutes, center on classic arguments about individual freedom.  These questions of drug use as a fundamental right or liberty are connected to one’s right to medical treatment, religious expression, and personal freedom.

            Accepting the claims of Nowak and Rotunda § 3.1, no federal act is legal if such act is either (a) not in pursuance of a specified power; or (b) specifically prohibited in the text of the Constitution.  In order of the following discussion, of import here are the Supreme Court holdings that have found individual liberties and right outweighed exercises of federal power in the Fifth, Ninth, and First Amendments of the Constitution.

            Drawing of the language of the Supreme Court, an individual can argue they are free to use medical marijuana without federal interference as an entitlement of due process or equal protection.[49]  Over the last 30-35 years, the Court has made consistent rulings about bodily integrity, which includes a fundamental right to treatment, and the absolute and private nature of the doctor-patient relationship where the government cannot intrude.[50]  As applied to ward off federal intrusion, these protections have been found, generally, as growing out of the Fifth and Ninth Amendments.[51]  

The relevant clause of the Fifth Amendment states:  “nor [shall any person] be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.”  The clause of the Constitution is also known as the Due Process Clause.  The Supreme Court has long held that, in addition to the specific protections in the Bill of Rights, the liberty protected by the Due Process Clause is not limited and the concept includes:  marriage, Loving v. Virginia, 388 US 1 (1967); having children, Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 US 535 (1942); educating one's children, Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 US 390 (1923); marital privacy, Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 US 479 (1965); contraception, Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 US 438 (1972); and non-commercial sex by consenting adults, Lawrence and Gardner v. Texas (2003).  As well in Glucksberg, the majority noted that “the [due process] clause also provides heightened protection against government interference with certain fundamental rights and liberty interests.”[52]

In regards to medical marijuana then, due process, as fairness, would guarantee medical patients equal protection of the law.  The Federal Government must allow a person access to medical treatment and enjoy medical privacy as it grants these protections to other patients.  This idea draws upon the reasoning in Washington v. Glucksberg[53] and also touches upon cases dealing with medical procedures, abortion, personal autonomy over the body, use of contraceptives and the “right to privacy.”

            Siding with the majority, yet offering their concurrence, four justices in Glucksberg made reference to a person’s fundamental right (or what should be called “absolute freedom” from governmental interference) to receive medical treatment for pain and exercise autonomy over the body.  A patient who is suffering a terminal illness and experiencing great pain has no legal


barriers to obtaining medication.  Glucksberg at 736-737, O’Connor concurring.  Avoiding intolerable pain is a fundamental right.  Glucksberg at 745, Stevens concurring.  And, personal liberty includes one’s freedom to determine what shall be done with their body in relation to one’s medical needs.  Glucksberg at 777, Souter concurring.

            What I find most significant from the Glucksberg opinions is that while the majority would not reject Washington State’s prohibition of doctor-assisted suicide, a so-called conservative justice, O’Connor, argued that as a matter of fundamental liberty, one may be medicated to death in the regular course of pain management and the state can never interfere

with such treatment.  “There is no dispute that dying patients … can obtain palliative care, even when doing so would hasten their deaths.”  Glucksberg at 736-737.[54]  If the government has no compelling interest in preventing medical care that is certain to hasten death, there can be no government interest in saving one from less efficacious, yet non-lethal treatments, i.e. smokeable marijuana.

Of further import is that the government goal of “preventing addiction” cannot suffice to justify federal intervention.  This point is significant because it defeats the logic of marijuana’s current Schedule I status – as a substance that is highly addictive and without medical purpose.  So-called addiction to prescription drugs is common (Shafer Commission 1972; Peele 1985), but the threat of addiction is immaterial in re a patient’s right to medical treatment according to the Supreme Court.  Glucksberg.[55]  Lastly, as currently practiced and enforced, the CSA denies patients access to their medicine via Congressional fiat.  Court adherence to statutory prohibition of a guaranteed liberty – access to medical care and medical privacy – as dictated by the Congress is unconstitutional.  Cf. Christians v. Crystal Evangelical Free Church, 141 F3d 854, 860 (CA8 1998). 

Oregon v. Smith and RFRA – as federal protection of religion and ganja

 

If not a question of personal liberty qua medical privacy, marijuana use is legal in much of the United States as a matter of religious rite.  Both federal court decisions, and congressional reaction to others demonstrate this new reality.

            The federal legislature may not legislatively supercede [the Court’s] decisions [in] interpreting and applying the Constitution.  United States v. Dickerson, 530 US at 437.  Further, Congress may not pass laws to remove guaranteed liberties and rights.  However the legislators may create statutes that provide additional constitutional protections.  Christians v. Crystal Evangelical Free Church, 141 F3d 854, 860 (CA8 1998).  And in at least one regard to drug use, Congress has done just that.  

            After the surprising Supreme Court decision in Employment Division of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith (1990)[56] a coalition of Republicans and Democrats drafted and passed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA).  In RFRA the Congress announced both significant “findings” and made express provisions to protect free exercise of religion.  Relevant parts of 42 USC § 2000bb(a) declare:

(2) laws “neutral” toward religion may burden religious exercise as surely as laws intended to interfere with religious exercise;

(3) governments should not substantially burden religious exercise without compelling justification;

(5) the compelling interest test as set forth in prior Federal court rulings is a workable test for striking sensible balances between religious liberty and competing prior governmental interests.

 

Though parts of RFRA have been ruled unconstitutional as applied to the States – namely as an intrusion of State sovereignty – the law still applies to the Federal Government.

            Under RFRA the Federal Government may not burden free exercise, or if it does, may only do so by employing the least restrictive alternative possible.  A statute burdens the free exercise of religion if it “puts substantial pressure on an adherent to modify his behavior.”  Thomas v. Review Board of Indiana Employment Securities Division, 450 US 707, 718 (1981).  Such a burden includes those instances where the individual must choose between “abandoning his religious principle or facing criminal prosecution.”  Braunfeld v. Brown, 366 US 599, 605 (1961).  So the formula is laid out.  If one were to profess a religion that required sacramental use of a substance currently regulated under the CSA, one would have to choose between abandoning a religious principle and prosecution.  By definition such a choice would pose a burden hence RFRA would grant the devotee immunity from a CSA prosecution.

            The conflict between RFRA and parts of the CSA has entered a federal court.  In Guam v. Guerrero, 290 F3d 1210 (CA9 2002) the appeals court held that, under the right circumstances, RFRA bars federal prosecution for simple drug possession.[57]  The court allowed the prosecution to go forward with a charge of drug trafficking against a Rastafarian who allegedly brought marijuana to the island of Guam via airplane (290 F3d at 1222-1223), but the court also examined the text and purpose of RFRA to explain how it limits the CSA.

According to Guerrero, RFRA “requires that a law that works a substantial burden on an individual’s ability freely to exercise his religion must be justified by a compelling government interest and achieve that interest by burdening as little religious freedom as possible.”  290 F3d at 1218-1219; 42 USC § 2000bb-1(b).  Overtly RFRA re-establishes the Sherbert standard that the Supreme Court supplanted in Employment Division of Oregon v. Smith, 494 US 872 (1990).  Congress said so in declaring the purpose of enacting RFRA: 

“to restore the compelling interest test as set forth in Sherbert v. Verner, 374 US 398 (1963) and Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 US 205 (1972) and to guarantee its application in all cases where free exercise of religion is substantially burdened; and to provide a claim of defense to persons whose religions exercise is substantially burdened by government.  42 USC § 2000bb(b).

 

Beyond the pronouncements of Congress in RFRA, and its command to federal courts as to what test to use when evaluating the propriety of the law, 42 USC § 2000bb-1 explains exactly when and where the government can interfere with free exercise.  Moreover the government has the burden to prove its compelling interest when interfering with free exercise of religious drug use.  Laying out the exception § 2000bb-1 says:

(b) Government may substantially burden a person’s exercise of religion only if it demonstrates that application of the burden to the person – (1) is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest; and (2) [the government action] is the least restrictive means of furthering that compelling governmental interest.[58]

 

The provision of RFRA, 42 USC § 2000bb-1(b), coupled with past rulings in Lopez, Morrison and Lawrence and Gardner v. Texas (infra) means that the Federal Government cannot meet its compelling interest burden as to justify interference with religious drug use.  The Federal Government cannot have a compelling interest in prohibiting marijuana use or simple drug possession – when practiced by adults – for such is not a commercial activity per se and the Federal Government has no plenary police power to regulate drugs especially due to the fact that said power was traditionally reserved for States as an exercise of their police power.

Re-considerations of absolute individual liberty

 

            Though legal arguments are available for medical and religious use of marijuana, peyote, etc., a reconsideration of classical liberal arguments and ideals is perhaps, the strongest justification for unconditional recreational drug use by adults.  In Ravin v. State, the Alaska Supreme Court held that under the Alaska Constitution and the State’s more expansive meaning of liberty and privacy, an adult could possess up to four ounces of marijuana in the home.[59]  Just recently Ravin was upheld and affirmed, despite supposed Alaskan constitutional prohibitions against marijuana possession.  In Noy v. State (2003), the Alaska high court said that one’s right to privacy – to grow and use marijuana in the home, less than 100 grams, was absolute and trumped the state’s interest in preventing an adult’s possession.  Though nothing so blunt as to allow marijuana possession has been announced by the U.S. Supreme Court,[60] a recent ruling on sodomy and state efforts to curb private sexual conduct can be read to liberate individuals who would use drugs as well.

            Until August 2003, the State of Texas banned sodomy when practiced by adults of the same gender.[61]  In its decision in Lawrence and Gardner v. Texas, 123 SCt 2472 (2003) (hereinafter Lawrence) the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the same-sex sodomy law and made

clear pronouncements on the limits of federal law and the expanse of the idea of personal liberty.   What we should note is that the arguments the Court presented to reject the Texas law closely paralleled those used by the Alaskan Supreme Court in upholding the freedom of adults to possess and use marijuana in the home.

In Lawrence the majority listed approximately seven distinct, yet related, reasons as to why the Constitution protected individual liberty in the form of private, consensual, non-commercial, adult homosexual conduct.  They were: 

(1)   no compelling interest in criminalizing it;

(2)   the need for the state to protect individual liberty;

(3)   because the type of individual liberty that the Constitution binds the government to protect includes, among other things, private intimate relationships, defining the meaning of existence and the universe;

(4)   the law violated the principle of equal protection;

(5)   the law per se attaches social and legal stigma to otherwise legal and what should be protected behavior;

(6)   a law that convicts persons for such activities leaves the convicts to suffer restrictions of other privileges and liberties; and

(7)   popular opinion supported its protection.

 

We can look at each one of these arguments in turn and substitute drug use for homosexual conduct and reach a similar conclusion about the inappropriateness of federal and State laws that restrict and punish recreational drug use.

The Court’s condemnation of Texas’ and all sodomy laws rested on the idea that the state has no compelling interest to criminalize private, adult, consensual, non-commercial behavior (PACNCB).  The majority added, “the state is not omnipresent in the home.”  Lawrence.  And that the law was wrong because it “reached into the most intimate aspects of human relationships.”  Lawrence.  That is, there is no reason for government regulation here and to a large degree, the home and the privacy it affords is sovereign territory where certain adult activity is beyond the reach of the law. 

Given the Court’s understandings – that there is no state interest in preventing PACNCB, its next step was to see such activity as an expression and part of one’s liberty.   At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.  Lawrence, citing Casey at 851.  The Court added that intimate personal relationships were part of such liberty.  As a serious intrusion of liberty in the form of a private and adult intimate relationship, sodomy laws had to be struck.  What makes the drug prohibitions even more tenuous then is that drug use and its experience combines both significant individual feelings and attitudes on spirituality and one’s intimate relationships.  In fact, as a spiritual act, drug use demands greater protection against state interference.[62]

            The Court held that the Texas law could be seen as a violation of equality of treatment and protections of substantive due process because the two “are linked in important respects.”  First of all, the court denounced sodomy prosecutions given “a pattern of non-enforcement with respect to consenting adults acting in private.”  Lawrence.   Secondly when homosexual conduct is made criminal, the state invites the homosexual to suffer discrimination in both public and private spheres.  Lawrence.   It is interesting to note then, the Court saw any law that reported significant disparities in the prosecutions, based on an identifiable class, and one that stigmatized PACNCB, as unjustly harmful to the individual in ways that were just unconstitutional.

            The parallels to the world of private, adult, recreational drug use are multiple.  Federal reports show that Blacks and Latinos suffer far disproportionate numbers of arrests and convictions for cocaine offenses.[63]  Through the 1990s over 90% of all prison commitments for cocaine offenses were Black and Latino, while over 38% of all cocaine users were White (Duster 1997; Tonry 1995).  In the area of marijuana we also have disparities with non-White and poor youth suffering higher penalties while affluent and White defendants are allowed to enter treatment (Jones 2001) or suffer no jail time (Tonry 1995; Jones 2003).

As legal matters of either equal protection or fundamental liberty, the state allows private drunkenness.  Private alcohol use is even permitted for minors under a guardian’s care and or in a religious settings.[64]  Similarly religious use of, the supposedly harder hallucinogen, peyote, is codified in federal and state law, e.g. 42 USC § 1996a.[65]  Nevertheless, while tacit social approval exists for the opiate “addict” who admits to having a problem, e.g. Rush Limbaugh and his enjoyment of/torment from Oxycontin (Borden 2003), the heroin user is stigmatized (Maris 1996).  The social rejection of latter is unwarranted when viewed from pharmacological and or medical perspective if only because the body reacts to opiates – in whatever form – the same way (Peele 1977; Borden 2003) and less than two percent of all users find opiates enjoyable (Kaplan and Weider 1974).[66]  More significantly there is no greater or less likelihood of one being addicted to a drug, be it opium, cocaine, marijuana or tobacco, based upon the method of ingestion (Gold 1993; Rado 1993; Koob 1998).  The analogy to the liberty afforded sexual conduct then would be heterosexual activity is no better than homosexual gratification or masturbation per se.  And thus, as the state has no business interfering with certain types of noncommercial private sexual conduct, it cannot criminalize some types of private drug use – that are no better or worse than any other – while allowing tobacco use, excessive alcohol consumption, etc.

            Under the Texas sodomy law, like existing drug laws, a convict’s punishment did not end with either a fine or period of incarceration.  According to the Court, laws against sodomy, did more than attempt to regulate sexual conduct, they had far reaching consequence, e.g. limiting convicts’ opportunities to adopt children, and access certain jobs.  Lawrence.  Government rationale to impose such collateral punishment against users of marijuana, cocaine, XTC, and even heroin should face the same problem.  Currently under present federal law, drug convicts cannot, for instance, obtain student loans for college while murderers and rapists can.  Many states restrict or deny driver’s licenses to those convict of drug possession though said possession was completely unrelated to driving. 

            Lastly the precedent from Bowers (holding there is no constitutional right to engage in homosexual sodomy) was overturned because the Lawrence Court held that laws against sodomy were neither part of a long tradition nor innocuous and neutral condemnations of immorality.[67]  In fact the Lawrence court found that broad sweeps of society were not opposed to adult homosexual conduct per se.  The court in Lawrence rejected, absolutely, concerns of mass religious and popular attitudes.  Returning to their holding in Casey, the Court defined their charge as not to uphold the will of the majority and its declaration of immorality, but “to define liberty of all.”  Lawrence. 

Again we can take these same legal principles and historical facts to strike the CSA.  There has not been a long tradition of national abhorrence to drug use, rather a long history of racially biased drug laws and racially motivated prosecutions (Taylor 1930; Bonnie and Whitebread 1974; Whitebread 1995; Jones 2003).  And the laws were and are hardly neutral condemnations of immoral behavior.  Rather at their inception American drug laws associated non-Anglo and Protestant ethnic groups as immoral and then assigned criminality to their cultural practices (Brecher et al. 1972; Tonry 1995).  Ironically surveys show that most Americans people reject criminal penalties for marijuana use (PRC 2001) and many states have either adopted some provisions for medical marijuana and or eliminated criminal penalties for certain drug offenses. 

The decisions, rationales, and logics handed down in Ravin, Noy, and Lawrence and Gardner v. Texas are not reckless scribblings of liberal judges who invent “rights” out of whole cloth.  Rather they represent a return to an honest understanding of the Constitution and imagined and drafted by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay – the document’s authors.  According to Nowak and Rotunda (2000), the text of the Ninth and Tenth Amendments imply that the actions of the Federal Government are subject to limitations in the specification of federal powers.  In colloquial terms, “if it ain’t written down, Congress cain’t do it.”  Simultaneously, the amendments acknowledge the existence of individual liberties (Nowak and Rotunda § 3.1).

Constitutional scholars need not rely on recent judicial interpretations to make such declarations.  In “Federalist #84” one author of the Constitution, Alexander Hamilton, railed against the call for a Bill of Rights and explained that such was completely unnecessary, if not dangerous, for the Constitution granted the Federal Government only limited powers – those clearly expressed its original articles.  Hamilton wrote:

[B]ills of rights are, in their origin, stipulations between kings and their subjects… such was Magna Charta… the Petition of Right assented to by Charles I… and the Declaration of Right presented by the Lords and Commons to the Prince of Orange in 1688…  It is evident that [Bills of Rights] have no application to constitutions professedly founded upon the power of the people [where the representatives are to be their servants].  [With our Constitution] the people surrender nothing; and retain every thing.

 

I go further, and affirm that bills of rights… are not only unnecessary… but even dangerous.  They would contain various exceptions to powers not granted; and would afford a colorable pretext [for officials to claim more power] than granted.  Why declare that things shall not be done which there is no power to do?  Why, for instance, should it be said that the liberty of the press shall not be restrained, when [the government is given no power] by which restrictions may be imposed?  It is evident that [a Bill of Rights] would furnish, to men disposed to usurp, a plausible pretense for claiming that power.  They might urge with a semblance of reason, that… a power to [regulate the press] was… vested in the national government.

 

What Hamilton feared in the abstract, came about in deed.  From the first Alien and Sedition Acts of 1793 (Zinn 1997), to federal laws that sought to restrict war protests, information about the Vietnam War, and expression in newspapers, the language of the Bill of Rights has been twisted to read as a limitation on individual liberties.  Laws against drug use generally and the imposition of what legal scholars like Alan Dershowitz (1982)[68] and Steven Wisotsky (1987) call the “drug law exception” to the Fourth Amendment (Mills 2000) amplify Hamilton’s herald.  In sum, when judges pay attention to the design and intent of the Constitution, as well as honor the idea of liberty – as retained by the people who granted a limited power to the Federal Government – there is no justification for state intrusions on private conduct like drug use.

Note and reconsideration of the “medical marijuana necessity” defense

 

Given the relatively straightforward reasoning in support of legal freedom to use drugs, I return to a narrower matter from Oakland Cannabis Buyer’s Cooperative (OCBC) case.[69]  Though the Supreme Court is unlikely to reject the CSA completely, those same so-called conservative justices who rejected the medical necessity defense in re marijuana possession, manufacture and distribution, would be challenged to uphold the rule in OCBC if the defense were presented on narrow principles of the separation of powers and what can be admitted as evidence in a trial.

In City of Boerne v. Flores, 521 US 507 (1997), when the Supreme Court struck certain provisions of the RFRA, it held that Congress could not stipulate a definition of religious discrimination as engaged in by state governments.  In contrast with other state actions, e.g. the long legacy of racial discrimination to bar Blacks and others from voting, the Court found no evidence of state and local persecution of religious minorities due to bigotry (Nowak and Rotunda § 15.3).  The principle then, in the abstract, seems significant.  Courts should not accept congressional stipulations – that affect matters of law – without evidence.

Such a principle and others (below) should have been raised by counsel and or the Court in OCBC.  Recall the court denied marijuana users and their providers an affirmative defense of medical necessity.  That is the court blocked the respondents from presenting evidence to a trier of fact whereby evidence would be heard on the question if particular individuals needed marijuana in the course of their medical treatment.

Specifically the CSA stipulates that all Schedule I substances have no medical application and are highly addictive.  Of course, because there was no medical or scientific evidence in support of such a proposition at the time, by definition, Congress failed to show any evidence in support the stipulation.  Recall, government experts in the 1930s disavowed any harmful effects of marijuana (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974).  And such was repeated after investigation by Dr. Isbell in the late 1940s and early 1950s (Isbell 1951; Whitebread 1995).  Furthermore more recent studies, even those funded by the Federal Government, have demonstrated the efficacy of marijuana, ingested via smoking, to treat specific medical ailments (IOM 1999).  By accepting the stipulation of the 1970 CSA, the Court has allowed the Congress to usurp rights, if not fundamental liberties, from defendants who are now barred from providing evidence in support of their defense.  The OCBC decision then, permitted the impermissible as it allowed Congress to reduce a Constitutional protection.  Repeatedly the high court has declared that Congress can extend, but not reduce Constitutional rights and liberties.[70]

            For example, in a voting rights case the Court held that the legal question, as to which branch of government can define the reach and extent of the meaning of “equal protection” is for the Courts, not for Congress to decide.  Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 US 112, 117-135 (1970).  If Congress cannot define the legal boundaries of equal protection – overtly, how can the Courts defer to an unwritten passage of a federal criminal statute that supposedly prohibits a common law defense?  Namely by what authority did Congress prohibit the medical necessity defense in the CSA, and where did they write that into the law?  As Congress neither has the authority to deny common law defenses in the abstract, nor included denial of a medical necessity defense into the CSA specifically, the Court should not have denied the defense.  The grounds for allowing the defense include: (1) separation of powers (the CSA stipulation works as an unconstitutional exercise of judicial power as the legislative branch rules out a line of defense); (2) due process (equal protection); (3) exercise of a fundamental liberty; and (4) fundamental rights of criminal defendants.[71]

            There is another reason that this present “conservative” court should have ruled in favor of the Oakland Cannabis Buyer’s Cooperative – the Court’s own pronouncements about admissible evidence.  Though there was no discussion of it in United States v. Oakland Cannabis Buyers Cooperative, 532 US 483 (2001) (or OCBC), the holding in Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 509 US 579 (1993) should have held sway over the majority position that there is no affirmative defense of medical necessity against federal laws prohibiting marijuana possession.  If for no other reason, despite its ruling in OCBC, the Court did not explicitly or implicitly overrule Daubert.

The majority in OCBC held that the defense could not be raised because at the time the law was passed (1970) Congress decided that marijuana had no medical application.  However, the Daubert rule holds that minority scientific theories may be presented to a trier of fact.  The Daubert court recognized that scientific theory changes with evidence and technology. 

Faced with a proffer of expert scientific testimony under Rule [of Evidence] 702, the trial judge, pursuant to Rule [of Evidence] 104(a), must make a preliminary assessment of whether the testimony’s underlying reasoning or methodology is scientifically valid and properly can be applied to the facts at issue.  Many considerations will bear on the inquiry, including whether the theory or technique in question can be (and has been) tested, whether it has been subjected to peer review and publication, its known or potential error rate and the existence and maintenance of standards controlling its operation, and whether it has attracted widespread acceptance within a relevant scientific community.  The inquiry is a flexible one, and its focus must be solely on principles and methodology, not on the conclusions that they generate.  Throughout, the judge should also be mindful of other applicable Rules [of Evidence].  Daubert, 509 US at 590-593.

 

Further in Dabuert, Rhenquist claimed that the concept falsifiability, the most significant principle in scientific and statistical reasoning, was too complex for a single judges alone and that juries should hear all possible relevant evidence.  So following Daubert, the OCBC should have been allowed to argue the medical necessity defense and have a jury decide if the defense was applicable to federal marijuana laws. 

Conclusions

            The arguments here are many and multifaceted.  What we see is that the drafters of the Constitution intended that federal authority be limited and that it not extend into what is a general police power.  Current members of the Supreme Court both adhering to such ideals, and concerned with protecting individual liberty – sometimes – have provided legal arguments that define, as unconstitutional, the CSA, at least its prohibition on simple drug possession.  When the question comes before the Court we will see how conservative, traditional, reactionary, etc., they want to be.


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[1] In a Zogby poll of September 2003 approximately 84% of New Hampshire voters favor a federal law allowing medical marijuana (DPA 2003b).

[2] See United States v. Oakland Cannabis Buyers Cooperative, 532 US 483 (2001).  Writing for the majority, Justice Clarence Thomas held that those who grow and provide marijuana to medical patients cannor raise a defense of “medical necessity” to the CSA.  Thomas justified his ruling in that in 1970, without any evidence, Congress “found” that marijuana has no medical application.  See 21 USC § 811.  Actually federal officials and members of Congress first “discovered” the “failed efficacy” of marijuana during the International Opium Conference of 1925,  in Geneva, Switzerland.  At that conference, the Egyptian delegation proposed that cannabis should be recognized as a highly addictive drug, like opium, and declared that marijuana had “no therapeutic or industrial value” (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 58).  Ever since, all international treaties on drug prohibition, including the infamous UN Single Convention of 1961 and its supplements, have declared the same.

[3] The Controlled Substances Act (CSA), is Title II of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970, 21 USC § 801 et seq.  The particular sections of the law at issue are § 841a and § 844.

[4] 532 US 483 (2001).

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] I say “proper” for in Santa Cruz et al. v. Ashcroft, lawyers for WAMM and the City and County governments of Santa Cruz offered just about every legal argument in support of their motion for an injunction that I present (simultaneously) in this paper.  The denial of the injunction might best be explained in political, rather than legal terms.  And some of the politics include the fact that among the federal circuits, the ninth is seen most out of step with the others and more importantly, the Supreme Court. 

[8] Cities like San Francisco, El Paso, Texas, New Orleans and Western States, Montana, Utah, and others passed drug laws targeting Chinese opium smokers, Mexican marijuana smokers, Blacks and others long before the federal government got into the “police” business (Jones 2003; Bonnie and Whitebread 1974; Terry and Pellens 1928).

[9] See Alexander Hamilton’s discussion of the limited grant of federal power from the people to the government via strict language of the U.S. Constitution in “Federalist #84.”

[10] The “tax” model served as the basis for all federal anti-drug legislation from 1914 to 1969 (Whitebread 1995; Belenko 2000).

[11] Many commentators note that the 16th Amendment blatantly contradicts Art. I § 9 prohibitions on direct capitation tax.  See Erik Jensen, “The Taxing Power, the Sixteenth Amendment, and the Meaning of Incomes” 33 Ariz. St. L. J. 1057 (2001) where the professor sites numerous Supreme Court and federal cases and legal commentary. 

[12] The act forced the Coca-Cola company to import coca leaves illegally (Spillane 1994; Belenko 2000).

[13] See text of statute at http://www.druglibrary.org/schaffer/history/e1910/harrisonact.htm.  What is disturbing at the level of American constitutional jurisprudence is that, as was noted in Leary (infra), the Harrison scheme was not a true tax but rather a criminal law that sought to exercise police power. 

[14] 241 US 394.

[15] In reaction to Jin Moy, Congress established state import quotas tied to amounts of cocaine or opium needed for medical purposes in each state and then criminalized possession without a prescription as presumptive that a person violated federal import laws (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 20).  Ultimately the Court adopted the “defendant’s burden standard.”  In Yee Hem v. United States, 268 US 178 (1925) the Court held:  “Legitimate possession [of opium], unless for medicinal use, is so highly improbable that any [defendant] who obtains the outlawed commodity, must at [their] peril be prepared to show the facts and circumstances which rebut the natural inference of unlawful importation”  At 184.  The Yem Hee rule was overturned for criminal defendants generally in 1943 and for drug defendants in particular by Leary v. United States, 396 US 6, 44-45 (1969).

[16] Doremus, 249 US 86.  Boldly flaunting the idea about the overt intent of the Harrison Act to work as a simple criminal law rather than a revenue measure, in United States v. Behrman, 258 US 280 (1922), the brief of the Solicitor General admitted that the Harrison Act was a measure aimed to prevent drug addiction. 

[17] According to Gray (1998) the recipient of Dr. Linder’s prescription was a morphine user indeed, however, she solicited Linder at the request of Treasury officers.  That is, Linder was the unwitting mark of a federal drug sting operation (86).

[18] In recent years, jurisprudence about regulating medicine has turned away from a question of the commerce in drugs to that of doctor-patient privacy, free speech, and due process/liberty.  See discussions of Glucksberg; Roe v. Wade; and Casey below.

[19] See a description of this in the 1999 film “Grass” narrated by Actor/Activist Woody Harrelson.

[20] Around 1915 American courts made a fundamental shift in the way they viewed bodily integrity and the range of a state’s exercise of its “police power” (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 29).  Up to that point the common assumption was that a state’s interest in regulating and “policing” the public stopped at one’s front door.  Until 1915 police power was limited to laws that regulated and protected the publics health, welfare, safety, and morals – not matters of private behavior like opium use (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 29).

[21] Smith was an investigator for the U.S. Department of Agriculture.  Under the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906 this department, not Treasury or Justice, was charged with enforcing national drug laws (Bonnie and Whitebread 1974, 37).

[22] Montana Standard, 22 January 1929, page 3.

[23] The key provision in the law was that the Federal Government would not allow people or businesses (except for birdseed distributors and farmers by 1942) to become registered hemp importers or processors.

[24] Stanley probably drew upon anecdotes and reports like those complied in the 1938 work Marijuana, America’s New Drug Problem by Robert Walton.

[25] Of course domestic production in the 1930s was nothing compared to current levels.  Nadelmann (1991) holds that the current war on marijuana has stimulated domestic cultivation of marijuana.  In 1988, the U.S. Government Accounting Office admitted that, Marijuana is now grown in all 50 states... [often in greenhouses] indoors and on a growing number of smaller and more scattered plots outdoors.

[26] When in 1944 New York’s Mayor LaGuardia impaneled a commission to study marijuana.  The LaGuardia commission noted the beneficial effects of marijuana, and concluded there is no link between cannabis and violence.  In reaction, Anslinger denounced LaGuardia and threaten doctors, who conducted research on cannabis, with imprisonment (ParaScope 1997).

[27] Leary v. United States, 395 US 6 (1969).

[28] The parallel with present day investigations of terrorism are remarkable. Under the MTA there was not supposed to be direct communication between IRS and criminal law enforcement agents.  In fact the tax law was a mere proxy for criminal investigation and prosecution.  Since the attacks of Sept. 11th, federal officials have ensured the public that information obtained through investigations of “international terrorism” will not be turned over to local or domestic law enforcement.  A Department of Justice report to Congress from 13 May 2003 finds that so-called “terrorist” search warrants are most often just run of the mill drug searches – now permitted with an even lower standard for probable cause under the USA PATRIOT Act (Brown 2003).

[29] Leary v. United States, 395 US 6 (1969).

[30] Leary v. United States, 395 US 6 (1969).

[31] The text of the Ninth and Tenth Amendments imply that the actions of the Federal Government are subject to limits, namely specified powers.  Simultaneously, these amendments acknowledge the existence of individual liberties (see Nowak and Rotunda § 3.1).  To acknowledge individual liberties, most often referenced in the First or via the due process clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth, is to say that such liberties are inviolate and federal power cannot trump their preservation.  We will address the topic of drugs and individual liberties below.

[32] Legal questions considered the Fair Labor Standards Act with its minimum wage, 40-hour workweek, and overtime pay mandates.  See West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 US 379 (1937); and NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 US 1 (1937).

[33] Fry v. United States, 421 US 542 (1975).

[34] Even Fry noted this point.  421 US at 548.  Hence the question of federal authority to regulate purely intrastate commerce has not been settled despite comments to the contrary.  In his dissent in Morrison (infra), Souter argued that In re Heff, 197 US 488, 505-506 (1905) had [erroneously] overturned a federal conviction for sale of alcohol to an “Indian,” on the grounds that the sale occurred outside a reservation and did not involve interstate commerce.  Souter claimed that Heff stood for the proposition that Congress could not regulate the intrastate commerce and that a later Court corrected the misjudgment.  Though the result from Heff was overruled (U.S. v. Nice, 241 US 591 (1916)) it was not on the grounds that Congress could exercise police power over all commercial activity.  Rather Heff was overruled on the grounds that Congress had sole authority to regulate commercial trade with Indians – both tribes in their entirety and individual “Indians” who were neither tribal members nor lived on reservations.

[35] Congress may pass specific criminal laws in those areas expressly under its jurisdiction, as noted by Art. I § 8, like securities law, copyright, military criminal codes, etc.

[36] See discussions of the “rational basis test” generally in Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Ctr., Inc., 473 US 432, 452 (1985); United States v. Carolene Prods. Co., 304 US 144, 154 (1938).

[37] In failing to grant a rational basis for and uphold the laws challenged in both Lopez and Morrison Rehnquist and those who sided with him, rejected the findings of Congress about non-commercial activities, gun possession and domestic abuse, having a substantial effect on interstate commerce.  Rehnquist took the opposite tack in HUD v. Rucker, 535 US 125 (2002).  Not only did the Chief Justice (writing a unanimous opinion) take for granted congressional findings about “drug-related” violence, he permitted the eviction of a wheelchair bound stroke victim and refused to entertain any constitutional challenges to relevant laws.

[38] Souter, dissenting, articulated part of the majority argument in its election to strike VAWA.  “The [majority] finds it relevant that [VAWA] addresses conduct traditionally subject to prohibition under [state] criminal law, a fact said to have some heightened significance when the... conduct in question is not itself aimed directly at interstate commerce or its instrumentalities.”  Morrison, 529 US 598 (2000).

[39] Souter wrote:  “One obvious difference from United States v. Lopez, 514 US 549 (1995), is the mountain of data assembled by Congress, here showing the effects of violence against women on interstate commerce... With respect to domestic violence, Congress received evidence for the following findings:  Partial estimates show that violent crime against women costs this country at least three billion–not million, but billion–dollars a year...  [Estimates suggest that collectively the nation spends] $5 to $10 billion a year on health care, criminal justice, and other social costs of domestic violence.  Less than one percent of all [rape] victims have collected damages.  …Almost 50 percent of rape victims lose their jobs or are forced to quit because of the crime’s severity.”

[40] The Whipple decision upheld a state criminal statute that demanded doctors show good faith in the medical use of opium.  Rather than holding the Harrison Act pre-empted state regulations in the area of health, safety, and welfare, the Court claimed that the Harrison Act was a lawful federal exercise of its tax power.  Again, the language and rationality of the 1921 decision seems to be the majority view today – States have sole police power save that granted the Congress in Art. I.

[41] See unproven declarations in United States v. Wacker, 72 F3d 1453, 1475 (CA10 1995) and United States v. Leshuk, 65 F3d 1105, 1112 (CA4 1995).  These cases drew on the “stream of commerce” language upheld in Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 US 294 (1964) and from what may no longer be good law as written in Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining, 452 US 264, 277 (1981).  To some the stream of commerce logic must be the current rationale of the DEA in their efforts to close down medical marijuana cooperatives, but in WAMM’s case, no one involved buys or sells marijuana.  See Santa Cruz et al. v. Ashcroft (2003).

[42] I say both marijuana and other drugs with the understanding that under present federal law schedule I drugs are not obtainable via prescription.  Though one may obtain opiates and others narcotics, psychotropics, hallucinogens, barbiturates, stimulants and the like, under a doctor’s care, the Attorney General may elect to change the drugs listed under various schedules to schedule I and, in effect, make all “medicines” illegal.

[43] According to WAMM’s attorney, Gerald Uelman, despite being deputies of the City of Santa Clara, WAMM organizers were arrested and have been denied the right to grow and supply marijuana to patients/co-op members.  In support of their motion for injunction in Santa Cruz et al. v Ashcroft (2003) the plaintiffs argued that they were immune from federal prosecution as state officers.  Though the judge Fogel rejected the argument, the plaintiffs will revisit the argument, and others, when they appeal to the ninth circuit.

[44] See preliminary rulings in Santa Cruz et al. v. Ashcroft (2003).

[45] That is, unlike the finding in Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe et al. 435 US 191 (1978) where the Court held that all Indian tribes gave up their sovereignty to the United States to the point where they lost to authority to try non-Indians for crimes committed on tribal land, Supreme Court Judges, e.g. Scalia, declare that States continue to retain much of their sovereignty.

[46] See Seminole Tribe v. Florida, 517 US 44 (1996) and Alden v. Maine, 527 US 706 (1999).  In these cases the Court held that the 11th Amendment affirms that Art. I § 8 did not abrogate state sovereignty to resist lawsuits  On the other hand Congress may trump state sovereignty in re laws written pursuant to the 14th Amendment.

[47] See New York v. United States, 505 US 144 (1992) and Printz (1997).

[48] See Morrison and Glucksberg which implicates adherence to the idea of limited federal authority to regulate medicine, drugs, and medical practices announced in Whipple. 

[49] Due process means more than fair process and it also implies guarantees to liberty.  The liberty it protects includes more than the absence of physical restraint.  Glucksberg 521 US 702 (1997).

[50] In Griswold, the Supreme Court claimed that the patient-doctor relationship is inviolate.

[51] See Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 US 479 (1965); Eisenstadt v. Baird, 405 US 438 (1972); and Southeast Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 US 833 (1992).

[52] Citing Reno v. Flores, 507 US 292, 301-302 (1993); Casey, 505 US at 851.

[53] 521 US 702 (1977).

[54] In this respect Glucksberg overturned Webb et al. v. United States, 249 US 96 (1919).  In Webb the Federal Government was allowed to prosecute a Memphis doctor, Webb, for administering opium to a known addict on the grounds that such prescription was not part of a legitimate medical practice.  Webb only sought to keep the patient comfortable not cure his ailment, addiction (Belenko 2000, 74-76).

[55] The Court might also appreciate that there is no falsifiable definition of addiction (Jones 2000) and many researchers have found that drug treatment has no efficacy (Tuchfeld 1981; Ravnal and Vaglum 1998).  Hence addiction is neither a death sentence where one suffers ever increasing use rates nor unlikely to end without treatment (Stall and Biernacki 1986).

[56] 494 US 872.  In Smith, justice Scalia claimed that Oregon’s law against peyote use was one of general application and not intended to target American Indians.  Scalia’s invented and uncited history lesson about American drug laws that defied commonsense and the record.  Every drug law in the United States, starting with California’s prohibitions of 1887 against opium have targeted a non-European or non-Anglo population (Brecher et al. 1972; Jones 2003).

[57] Relying on the precedent of Guam v. Guerrero, supra, on December 6, 2003, Ed Forchion, an activist for marijuana legalization, openly smoked marijuana on federal territory - Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia.  Though fully expecting to get arrested by federal park rangers – who unknowingly obliged him – Forchion, an African-American and Rastifarian, staged his religious expression as a way to announce his intent to run for a seat in the United States House of Representatives (from his native New Jersey).  Forchion fully expects the trial court or the court of appeals to dismiss the charge of marijuana possession as a violation of his free exercise of religion under RFRA (DRCnet 2003c).  

[58] Subsection C charts the form of judicial relief:  A person whose religious exercise has been burdened in violation of this section may assert that violation as a claim or defense in a judicial proceeding and obtain appropriate relief against a government. 

[59] Ravin v. State, 537 P2d 494 (Alaska 1975).

[60] A panel of the 9th circuit, relying on the holdings of Morrison and Lopez, just granted two medical marijuana users and their suppliers an injunction against the DEA to bar them from seizing and arresting medical marijuana users, their medicine, and marijuana suppliers.  Raich et al. v Ashcroft, 2003 U.S. App. LEXIS 25317.

[61] The Texas law did not prohibit sodomy or adultery committed by adult partners with different genders.

[62] See RFRA and the discussion of it above.

[63] Harris County, Texas, the jurisdiction including Houston, is only 14% Black, yet Blacks account for nearly 50% of all drug arrests and drug-related jail commitments (Houston Chronicle 15 December 2002).

[64] See for instance, examples of laws in California, New York, Minnesota, and Iowa.  All have criminal sanctions against providing alcohol for minors, yet grant exceptions for parents, legal guardians, and or when such occurs in the course of a religious act.

[65] See Oregon Revised Statutes, 475.992.

[66] In fact there are higher rates of addiction or problem use with alcohol which is about 10% (Brecher et al. 1972, 260).  Even with cocaine, less than 10% of all users partake more than once per month (Washton 1984).  Of the 70 million Americans who have tried marijuana, 95 never used any other illicit drug and 85 percent no longer use marijuana (Males 1999).    

[67] In Oregon v. Smith (1990) Scalia and other justices argued that Oregon’s laws against substances like peyote were those of general application, not designed to target or single out ethnic minorities.

[68] In the introduction to his book, professor/lawyer Dershowitz provides what he sees as the rules of the game in American criminal trials.  Rule I, almost all defendants are guilty; Rule III, it is easier to convict guilty defendants by violating the Constitution than complying with it; Rule IV, almost all police lie about whether they violated the Constitution in order to convict guilty defendants; Rule XI, most judges would not knowingly convict an innocent defendant; Rule XII, Rule XI does not apply to drug dealers… (Dershowitz 1982, xxi-xxii).

[69] 532 US 483 (2001).

[70] Congress may pass statutes that provide additional Constitutional protections, they may not pass laws to remove said protections.  Christians v. Crystal Evangelical Free Church, 141 F3d 854, 860 (CA8 1998).  See Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 US 112 (1970), Congress cannot usurp the courts by determining what constitutes equal protection as defined in the 14th Amendment (Nowak and Rotunda § 15.3).  Congress may not legislatively supercede [the Court’s] decisions [in] interpreting and applying the Constitution.  United States v. Dickerson, 530 US at 437.

[71] Abrams (2003) has also raised serious objections to the OCBC decision and alluded that the Courts should allow a necessity defense given that that Congress did not expressly preclude it.  See James Abrams:  A Missed Opportunity: Medical Use of Marijuana is Legally Defensible: Case Note: United States v. Oakland Cannabis Buyers’ Cooperative, No. 00-151, 2001 Lexis 3518 (2001), 31 Cap. U. L. Rev. 883 (2003).